martes, 5 de octubre de 2010

In Peace: Research, Education, Action. Johan Galtung

Johan Galtung, Peace researcher, explores different approaches in the constituting area of Peace Studies. In this work, the author revises and proposes different typologies for understanding the complex dimensions of the discipline. Galtung proposes to get into a broader framework for peace thinking that will take us beyond the balance of power thinking.
He begins by tracing the Law and Order tradition on peace studies which was based on the distinction between negative peace (absence of war) and positive peace (some type of cooperation). He continues offering a classification on Peace plans and recognizes three levels of peace plans. First, sub international peace plans which may be subdivided into three different approaches. Firstly, Intra-human approaches which focus on inner peace matters projection into another levels of interaction. Secondly, Inter human approaches which emphasize the idea of projection of inter human rivalry onto higher levels. Third, Intra societal approaches focused on the projection of the conflictive dimensions of a society onto higher levels. The major objection to these sub international approaches is that it confuses the levels of analysis.
On the other hand, Galtung build a typology of International Peace Systems, constructing the following dimensions of Analysis.
1. Model Based on the Distribution of Power. This model includes different sub models.
a. Model of Minimum equality
b. Model of Maximum equality
c. Model of stabilization at a low level.
d. Model of stabilization at a zero level.
2. Model base on the organization of conflicts (Criss-cross model).
3. Model based on Individual Loyalty Conflicts
a. Strategy of manipulation of Multiple National Loyalties.
b. Strategy of Building cross-cutting organizational loyalties.
4. Model based on the degree of homology
a. Model of minimum homology
b. Model of Maximum homology
5. Model based on International Stratification
a. High level of Interaction at the top and low level at the bottom.
b. Equal level of Interaction at the top and at the bottom.
6. Model based on the degree of Interdependence
a. Model of Minimum Interdependence
b. Model of Maximum Interdependence.
7. Model based on Functional Cooperation
Later, the author continues with a typology of World Peace Systems:
1. Based on the type of units.
2. Based on the Scope and Domain.
3. Based on the nature of compliance systems.
In order to build this concept of Violence, Galtung recurred to typology, which differentiated the following matters:
1. Physical and Psychological violence.
2. Negative and positive approach to influence.
3. Whether or not there is an object that is hurt.
4. Whether or not there is a subject or person that is hurt.
5. Violence that is intended or unintended.
6. Manifest Violence and Latent Violence.
Further observations:
He continues explaining a typology to understand how personal and structural violence are carried out. With the distinction between personal and structural violence, it becomes evident the multiple dimensions of Violence as well as Peace must be taken into account. He derives from this extensive concept of Violence an extended concept of Peace, with negative peace referring to absence of personal violence and positive peace referring to the absence of structural violence. The later one is associated with achieving social Justice. In this respect, I think that Galtung theory becomes very interesting in order to associate Peace Studies with Development Studies. One of the major problems with the definition of the area, may be that different professional and academic areas reclaim the same areas of study, leading to the lack of definition of the area and a lack of legitimate and consensuated theoretical approach among the epistemic community.
Galtung emphasizes the relevance of thinking beyond single-factor explanations and instead analyzing the multiple factors involved in a specific context. The author uses a very complex concept of violence, affirming that violence is present when human beings are being influenced so that their actual somatic and mental realizations are below their potential realizations. At the time this concept was defined, this extended concept of violence must have been innovative in the sense that it included what is currently conceptualized as “Symbolic Violence” (Pierre Bourdieu). This type of violence built into the social structure which exhibits certain stability. It is very important his distinction between personal violence and structural violence.
Symbolic violence is a concept created by the French sociologist Pierre Bourdieu. Bourdieu argues that social science is used to describe the forms of violence not directly performed by physical force, but through the imposition a world views, the social roles of the cognitive categories and mental structures. It is therefore an invisible violence, which is exercised with the consensus and the lack of those suffering, and that hides the power relations that underlie behind the configuration of social relations.

Embracing defeat

Review and critics on “Embracing defeat”. Chapters 10, 11 12 y 13.
Chapter 10. Imperial democracy: Descending Partway from heaven
It examines the different feelings and perceptions that many Japanese experienced after the defeat, with reactions varying from resignation, indifference to hatred. Most of the media and the different branches of Japanese intelligentsia, from communist to socialists, showed little concern about the new role assigned to the emperor. The public opinion was manipulated in order to create a supposed division among the orders given by Hirohito and the actions undertaken by the chief of militia, who were referred as “gangster militarists”. However, there was a lot of indifference about the fate of the emperor. This showed that Hirohito s authority was in the process of eroding.
One of the major consequences in the new political scenario came as a result of disestablishing Shinto as the state religion. As a consequence, there was a resurgence of popular religions and it opened the possibility of introducing and legitimizing greater reforms in the following years.
The royalists and the more pragmatic people believed that after the withdrawal of the Japanese government and the war, the throne was the only center of the national belief system.
The campaign to show the emperor in a more secular was successful from the perspective of the US government that fostered the creation of new values associated with the figure of the emperor. In consequence, the emperor was transformed overnight in a symbol of democracy and peace. As a result, his exoneration from war responsibility arrived soon. As part of the campaign to propagate values associated with secularism, the emperor attended some tours in order to gain popular support and support local political leaders at the same time. The emperors also communicated to the press a kind of Humanity declaration, in the sense of defining himself not as a deity. As a result, his image as a figure of democratization was acclaimed in Japan and internationally.
Chapter 11: Imperial democracy: Evading responsibility
Previsions on the possibility of an indictment of the emperor suggested that it may lead to more chaos and will require larger occupation force. Most of the organizations implicated in the interim government worked behind the scenes to prevent Emperor Hirohito from being indicted and to prevent the testimony of the defendants to ensure that no one implicated him.
The large campaign was a success in the sense that help to offer an image of unity through the country (except maybe Okinawa) and the emperor regained more popularity in a shallow way. Most of the people tend to forget the war responsibilities of Hirohito. The critics on the new figure of the emperor were dissolved and repressed.

Chapter 12 and 13 Constitutional democracy: GHQ writes a new national chapter. Constitutional democracy: Japanizing the American draft

The essence of Meiji constitution focused on the sovereignty in a sacred and inviolable emperor. American occupation forces propelled the replacement of Meiji Constitution, arguing that it was incompatible with democracy. The media presented the claims for constitutional revision as an initiative from the emperor. The more farcical government venture began on October, when the cabinet established its own constitutional problem investigation committee. However, this committee did not aim at the revision of the constitution and declares instead that the purpose was to determine whether any amendment may be necessary. Before the constitution came into effects, several relevant reforms on the socio-economic arenas have been implemented.
Only the communist advocated for the abolishment of emperor system. Most of the factions, from the socialist to the liberal and progressive, stated that it was necessary to limiting the functions of the emperor to state ceremonies. There was a battle around different kind of western constitutional theories, in one hand, the German model and on the other hand, the American model. Most conservative branches advocated for the German model.
It seems the discussions were growing faster, but then the American intervention force intervened in order to align the processes into one constitutional line which protected the figure of the emperor and preservation of monarchy. The ones, who raised their voices against these measures, were rapidly put apart.
The new constitution was made known to the public in a manner that gave equal prominence to the emperor and the ideals of democracy and peace. Media discussion on the matter was suffocated. Imperial democracy and revolution from above were fused in a cynical manner. One of the most astonishing reforms was the renunciation of the sovereign right of war, mentioned in the article 9 of the constitution.

Embracing defeat

Introduction
John Dower offers us his understanding about the socio-cultural changes occurred after the Second World War from a perspective an hermeneutic perspective focused on the comprehension of the actors and subjects. Using critical tools closer to the ethnography and discourse analysis, Dower helps us to understand post-war scenario and the way the American intervention changed forever the way Japanese people comprehend and define themselves and its recent history.
Embracing Defeat Review and critics:
Chapter 1: “Shattered lives”
This chapter describes the living conditions after post-war and occupation and offers an overview on the main psychological, religious and cultural characteristics of life after the occupation.
The author underlines the following topics:
The importance of religion in order to understand how the subjects define themselves and others. In this sense, it was in the name of the emperor that the Japanese people had supported a long war against China and the Allied Powers. In consequence, the hostilities were legitimized in religious ideas associated with the emperor and politics. The war was considered as a Holy war.
Considerations on Death, surrender and the defeat. The difference between the status of Citizenship and the civilian condition of Japanese people in their relation to emperor.
Introduction to the responsibilities of war. During the attacks, Emperor Hirohito was the commander in chief. After the intervention of US in Japan, Hirohito was excluded from any personal responsibility for these many years of aggression. Emperor presented the defeat as a magnanimous act that might save humanity from annihilation. Hirohito offered himself as a representation of the unity of the country.
Taking into account the threats of revolutionary upheaval after the defeat, there was a great interest on maintaining the control and the stability. The allies were willing to dissociate the emperor image from ultimate war responsibilities. On the other hand, the victors showed themselves as liberators who were supposed to complete a mission of liberating Japanese people from a condition of slavery
American democracy as an ideal to follow and its contradictions.
New categories of “improper” people were stigmatized. Psychology of the deprived.

Chapter 2: “Gifts from Heaven”
During the period from August 1945 to April 1952, Japan was subject to a foreign occupation by allied forces. The United States determined the policy over all aspects of the occupation. The initial objectives of the occupation were related to the recovery and maintenance of unity of Japan. It also added demilitarization and disarmament as specific objectives.
This chapter reflects on the mechanisms and processes that were mobilized by the Allied forces in order to transform the image of an enemy into a liberator force. It suggests that the intervention began to be appreciated and judged as a “democratic revolution from above”.
These changes in the attitudes and interpretations on the events can be explained by paying attention to the reconstruction of the image of Hirohito. It also made clear the intentions of the allied forces and especially from United States in their intent to reform the existing Japanese institutions in a recognizable and comprehensible way from the perspective of westerners.
By using the significances attributable to the emperator, the American interim government subverted and manipulated some ideas about the intervention process.
The author says that many people came to regard the American occupation force as an army of liberation and the notion of “democratic revolution” won more adepts. However, there is a big contradiction deriving from the thought that the intervention opened a way for democratic revolution in Japan, taking into account the events in Hiroshima and Nagasaki.
Can we consider that the events involving the violent intervention were a present or a gift? We can only find cynicism in this way of thinking and irony of promoting freedom in the context of unconditional surrender.
The author says that psychological considerations were taken into consideration and Mass media resources were used in order to promote values around social, economical and political order. On the contrary, Japanese militarism and nationalism were constructed as reflect of feudalism and anachronism. Ethnocentrism was a clear tendency in the interventions and politics undertaken by the allied forces.
The author reflects that enduring political and social revolutions generally emanate from below. Never had a genuinely democratic revolution been associated with military dictatorship.
As a result of these tendencies, we can say that pragmatism was introduced in Japanese life, changing not only the political and socio-economical order, but also the way people understood reality.
Chapter nine. Imperial democracy: Driving the wedge
This chapter presents the role of Emperor as the heart and soul of ideological indoctrination. In consequence, Emperor Hirohito was holy and sacrosanct. The responsibility of emperor during the war was not placed under revision or judgment. Instead, the US interim government decided to maintain the image of Hirohito as a humanitarian and charismatic leader and did not show him as a responsible for the war. His new role was to be the center of the new democracy. The transmutation of the image and values around the Emperor are of great transcendence on order to understand how the context was prepared for the acceptance of the intervention and the reforms. The new constitution redefined the emperor as the symbol of the state and the unity of the people, but in this case the justification changed and instead of being recognized as a holy person, the new constitution acknowledged that the importance of emperor derived from the will of the people with who resides sovereign power.
Following the questions from the author, we can ask if the occupation has tended to reinforce a colonial mentality or did it have deep roots in Japanese political life.