martes, 5 de octubre de 2010

Embracing defeat

Review and critics on “Embracing defeat”. Chapters 10, 11 12 y 13.
Chapter 10. Imperial democracy: Descending Partway from heaven
It examines the different feelings and perceptions that many Japanese experienced after the defeat, with reactions varying from resignation, indifference to hatred. Most of the media and the different branches of Japanese intelligentsia, from communist to socialists, showed little concern about the new role assigned to the emperor. The public opinion was manipulated in order to create a supposed division among the orders given by Hirohito and the actions undertaken by the chief of militia, who were referred as “gangster militarists”. However, there was a lot of indifference about the fate of the emperor. This showed that Hirohito s authority was in the process of eroding.
One of the major consequences in the new political scenario came as a result of disestablishing Shinto as the state religion. As a consequence, there was a resurgence of popular religions and it opened the possibility of introducing and legitimizing greater reforms in the following years.
The royalists and the more pragmatic people believed that after the withdrawal of the Japanese government and the war, the throne was the only center of the national belief system.
The campaign to show the emperor in a more secular was successful from the perspective of the US government that fostered the creation of new values associated with the figure of the emperor. In consequence, the emperor was transformed overnight in a symbol of democracy and peace. As a result, his exoneration from war responsibility arrived soon. As part of the campaign to propagate values associated with secularism, the emperor attended some tours in order to gain popular support and support local political leaders at the same time. The emperors also communicated to the press a kind of Humanity declaration, in the sense of defining himself not as a deity. As a result, his image as a figure of democratization was acclaimed in Japan and internationally.
Chapter 11: Imperial democracy: Evading responsibility
Previsions on the possibility of an indictment of the emperor suggested that it may lead to more chaos and will require larger occupation force. Most of the organizations implicated in the interim government worked behind the scenes to prevent Emperor Hirohito from being indicted and to prevent the testimony of the defendants to ensure that no one implicated him.
The large campaign was a success in the sense that help to offer an image of unity through the country (except maybe Okinawa) and the emperor regained more popularity in a shallow way. Most of the people tend to forget the war responsibilities of Hirohito. The critics on the new figure of the emperor were dissolved and repressed.

Chapter 12 and 13 Constitutional democracy: GHQ writes a new national chapter. Constitutional democracy: Japanizing the American draft

The essence of Meiji constitution focused on the sovereignty in a sacred and inviolable emperor. American occupation forces propelled the replacement of Meiji Constitution, arguing that it was incompatible with democracy. The media presented the claims for constitutional revision as an initiative from the emperor. The more farcical government venture began on October, when the cabinet established its own constitutional problem investigation committee. However, this committee did not aim at the revision of the constitution and declares instead that the purpose was to determine whether any amendment may be necessary. Before the constitution came into effects, several relevant reforms on the socio-economic arenas have been implemented.
Only the communist advocated for the abolishment of emperor system. Most of the factions, from the socialist to the liberal and progressive, stated that it was necessary to limiting the functions of the emperor to state ceremonies. There was a battle around different kind of western constitutional theories, in one hand, the German model and on the other hand, the American model. Most conservative branches advocated for the German model.
It seems the discussions were growing faster, but then the American intervention force intervened in order to align the processes into one constitutional line which protected the figure of the emperor and preservation of monarchy. The ones, who raised their voices against these measures, were rapidly put apart.
The new constitution was made known to the public in a manner that gave equal prominence to the emperor and the ideals of democracy and peace. Media discussion on the matter was suffocated. Imperial democracy and revolution from above were fused in a cynical manner. One of the most astonishing reforms was the renunciation of the sovereign right of war, mentioned in the article 9 of the constitution.

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